tet.txt

[Shellie West <shrink @ svpal.org>]

Another book summary...

        71.  Tetens, T. H., The New Germany and the Old Nazis, New York, 
New York, Random House, 1961.  Tetens is a leading expert on German 
geopolitics, economist, former newspaper editor, Nazi concentration camp 
survivor and successful escapee, former U.N.. War Crimes Commission 
member, author, and director of the Library on Germanic and Related 
International Problems.
 
Summary
 
        Tetens gives a detailed accounting of increasing 
ultranationalism, anti-Semitism, and Hitler's former Nazis returning to 
power in Germany after World War II.  He recounts cases of anti-Semitic 
incidents occurring on a regular basis throughout Germany.  He details 
one in particular, the Zind case, because it illustrates the attempts by 
officials high within the offices of justice and education at the state 
level to cover it up.  The general public supports the perpetrators of 
the anti-Semitism.  By 1955 when Allied control of Germany came to an 
end, there was an alarming increase of open displays of egocentric 
nationalistic revival, anti-Semitic activities, Nazi flag-waving, and 
desecration of Jewish cemeteries.
        Simultaneous with the more open displays of Nazism within Germany 
was a public push outside of Germany to improve the illusion that Nazism 
was dead.  The PR was being carried on by rational educators, scientists, 
and diplomats within the highest political circles.  Many were quick to 
believe the propaganda because it calmed their fears.  After all, within 
a single generation, Germany had twice wreaked havoc against the entire 
civilized world.
        When the author questioned officials within the United States, 
the experts on German affairs openly admitted that there was a major gap 
between the way Germany was being presented to the public and the actual 
conditions that existed in Germany.  The reasons given for the U.S. 
policy position was to build confidence within the American people that 
there had been a sincere reform within the majority of the German 
people.  Consequently, all events that smacked of Nazism were played down 
and covered up in order to avoid any criticism of U.S. policy.
        In 1953, the leaders of a group of former Nazi officials were 
arrested on charges of conspiracy and high treason.  Their plan had been 
to infiltrate political parties on the right and, ultimately, to 
overthrow the German government.  The plan was in its advanced stages 
before being discovered.  The network of Nazis was vast, global, 
financially rich, and politically powerful with contacts within the 
highest government circles.  The German public supported the Nazis.  
Defense lawyers threatened to destroy the carefully constructed German 
image by discussing the true details of the case openly if their clients 
were not released.  Within six months, all charges were quietly dismissed 
and all perpetrators were released, a blatant violation of  German law.
        Confiscated documents told the story of their detailed plan.  
They were going to use the democratic constitution and its democratic 
leaders as a facade behind which they would hide where they could grow 
without arousing public suspicion.  They had radically changed their 
method.  Instead of loud nationalistic demonstrations, they worked in 
small, discreet cells in the background toward the goal of building their 
power and numbers into a broad mass movement.  They were busy placing 
their bright, young Nazis into key positions of influence and power 
within all political organizations.  They functioned like a "political 
Mafia," operated by their headquarters in Madrid by remote control.  
Their membership list included many names of former, powerful SS 
officials from the Third Reich.
        Major Nazi outposts in Switzerland, Africa, Latin America, 
Europe, Tangier, Rome, Buenos Aires, Spain, Sweden, Egypt, Argentina, 
Cairo, and other Arab contact points took their orders from the Nazi 
organization center in exile in Madrid.  In 1959, Franco told one 
visiting Nazi delegation, "Please regard Spain as your second 
fatherland."  Tetens shows that in all of these various countries, the 
Nazis had contacts with many key officials high within their 
governments.  Evidence presented also suggests that the Nazi control 
center in Madrid had ongoing secret ties within the German government as 
well.
        Long before the collapse of Nazi Germany, the Nazi officials had 
made extensive preparations to train an army of infiltrators.  They were 
financed by a huge treasure chest which had been shipped to neutral 
countries before the end of World War II.  Later, those Nazis holding 
senior positions usually brought into their department many, many 
officials with whom they had worked during Hitler's reign.
        Tetens recites case after case of former Nazis holding offices 
within all levels of federal and state government, including the 
Chancellery, the cabinet, the foreign office, the political parties, law 
enforcement, education, the parliaments, and the media.  One radio 
network director proved with detailed documentation that more than 85% of 
just one foreign office were former Nazis.  An ensuing investigation 
proved that the Nazis had whitewashed each others' misdeeds, lies, and 
falsifications by exchanging affidavits.
        To cite one specific case, Globke, the Secretary of State, had 
been a key administrator of the final solution under Hitler and had 
drafted the race laws.  Globke's present position controlled much within 
government, including all important ministerial decisions, what mail 
reached the Chancellor, nominations of all high positions within all 
ministries, Reinhard Gehlen, Hitler's chief spy, and his entire spy 
organization.  Simultaneously, Gehlen's spy organization, estimated in 
the early fifties to employ 4,000 agents, mostly former Nazi officers, 
was America's number one source overseas stretching "from Korea to Cairo, 
from Siberia to Santiago de Chile."
        Globke's control of the media had included scandals wherein 
journalists and publishers had been bribed to write what Globke wanted.  
Globke also had access to secret funds outside the control of democratic 
parliament procedure.
        Tetens covers in detail how the courts are for the most part run 
by former Nazi officials, including judges, prosecutors, and court 
functionaries.  
        The defense ministry is studded with former Nazi officials.  For 
example, of thirty-eight new generals appointed, thirty-one had been on 
the staff of the Nazi Wehrmacht, all of whom were recommended by a friend 
of Globke.  Other leading members of the defense ministry were 
recommended by General Gehlen.
        Within the office of the President, the highest office in 
Germany, former SS officers and Nazi officials reign.
        Because of the support of the general German public for the Nazi 
stance, smaller counties, districts, municipalities, cities, and towns 
are run by former Nazis.  The old Nazi burghermasters have been 
re-elected in many of the smaller towns.
        Former Nazis who held positions of power within industry and 
banking are now back in positions of power again.
        In 1933 more than 20,000,000 people enthusiastically supported 
Hitler, nationalism, and totalitarianism.  These people have not 
disappeared over night.  The general public still prefers an 
authoritarian leader.  The German people have never really experienced a 
true democracy.  It is "alien to their national heritage."  They believe 
so strongly in authority, they are lost without a strong man to tell them 
what to do.  Democracy is associated in their minds with military defeat, 
collapse of Germany and foreign uniforms on their turf.  The German 
people have been trained to obey the strong man who dispenses the 
accolades, the profits, the honors, the offices, and the titles.
        Yet the public policy positions presented by Germany and the U.S. 
would have us believe that they have miraculously done an about-face in 
their political preferences.  The reality is that election after election 
show that these once ardent followers of Hitler continue to support his 
basic tenants as expressed in the former Nazi leaders elected or 
appointed to key positions.
        In Adenauer's run for election, one of his official 
representatives emphasized "restoration of the German honor" and 
immediate release of "the last of the so-called war criminals."  The 
audience, composed of former Hitler Waffen SS veterans, responded by 
throwing their votes to Adenauer's party, an increasing the votes for 
that party, the CDU,  by 69%. Because the CDU had had a reputation as 
being democratic prior to the election, U.S. policy ignored the 
authoritarian and nationalistic shift in their policy statements, as well 
as the appointments of so many former Nazis to positions of power within 
the party.  Because U.S. policy required PR for the facade and strictly 
ignored the facts, Washington officials hailed CDU's victory as evidence 
that anti-democratic principles had been overturned.
        Adenauer's reputation throughout his political career has been 
that he is known for ruling with an iron hand, being autocratic, and 
being a strict disciplinarian.  He is feared by his closest aides, 
political compatriots, cabinet members, and party members.  He uses the 
constitution as a convenient democratic guise behind which he steamrolls 
the cabinet and the parliament.  Once a reporter asked him if he thought 
he could get approval for a particular measure.  He answered, "Don't 
worry.  I am at least 70% of that cabinet."
        Adenauer has consistently refused to oust members of government 
who have proven to have a criminal Nazi past.  In this way, he leads 
German public opinion. 
        In 1959, a Roman Catholic Bishop named Kampe had declared in his 
German diocesan paper that there were old-guard Nazis in their midst in a 
highly organized underground network with influence felt everywhere, 
including all political parties and institutions of civic social life, 
including professional organizations and the administration of justice 
and the economy.  He also said that those genuine anti-Nazi forces that 
existed feared the "secret power and the brutality of the Nazi goon 
squads."  
        Yet, only nine days before, Adenauer stated in a BBC interview 
that both nationalism and anti-Semitism had disappeared.
        The old Nazi plan to use scores of innocent-looking organizations 
to camouflage their organizational and growth activities while they came 
back into power through the back door is recounted in many actual 
examples.  The Socialist Reichs party had been outlawed in 1952.  But 
authorities soon uncovered the fact that, in one example, the Nazis had 
simply set up over sixty camouflaged substitutes in Lower Saxony alone.  
It was discovered in another example that there existed an assassination 
and sabotage squad, well trained by several thousand former Wehrmacht and 
SS officers, within a German youth association.  It had been funded and 
supplied with weapons and training facilities by U.S. agencies, the 
German government, and some industrial financiers.  Evidence in this case 
proved the Nazis had drawn up a blacklist of prominent politicians to be 
later assassinated in the event of an "emergency."
        Over thirty such illegal Nazi organizations were uncovered in 
West Berlin alone.  Similar Nazi guerrilla programs have been uncovered 
elsewhere, but most of their plotters never stood trial.
        Estimates have been made of as many as 120,000 former Nazi war 
criminals living behind false identities in the Bonn Republic.  The Nazis 
had boasted in 1952 that they would infiltrate all existing institutions 
with the help of a "small, well-trained totalitarian group" by capturing 
key positions within the economy, political parties, and the state.  To 
an audience of Nazi elite, one former SS colonel said, "We do not intend 
to go to sleep.  We will stay alert and exploit all the rights and 
privileges which the democratic system offers to us.  Yet we will be a 
power whenever we decide to become a power."  
        In 1958, another former Nazi said that "when our opponents one 
day realize that they know very little, it will be too late."
        Another former Nazi promised that history would be made by a 
small, iron-willed, dynamic minority which could easily subdue a large, 
lazy, inert majority.
        The Nazis support the preparation of German youth to return to 
Nazi ideals as good, attack true democratic forces as traitors, and 
attack Nazi war atrocities as being alleged by Western lies, using the 
cold war to their fullest advantage, and demand an end to reparations to 
Jewish and other victims of Nazi war atrocities.  
        This propaganda has been clearly effective, as in 1958, 42% of 
Germany regarded Hitler as "the greatest statesman of all times" and 60% 
as of questionable political morality.
        Their rewriting history as though Nazi war atrocities never 
occurred is betrayed by the evidence.  As Tetens relates, the Allies 
captured top secret Nazi documents and discovered their gas chambers, 
human torture tools, and furnaces used in the final solution of killing 
millions of children, women, and men.
 
According to the New York Times Magazine of September 12, 1954, there 
were "38,000 affidavits, signed by 155,000 people; several tons of Alfred 
Rosenberg's records; 485 tons of the German Foreign Office papers, and 
the complete files of Heinrich Himmler, containing horrifying reports of 
the systematic mass slaughters committed by the Gestapo."
 
        In the testimony of Rudolph Hoess who headed up Auschwitz, there 
were 3,000,000 murdered there.  Tetens writes that Hoess said about the 
death chamber that, 
 
We knew when the people were dead because their screaming stopped.  After 
the bodies were removed, our Special Commandos took off the rings and 
extracted the gold from the teeth of the corpses.  Another improvement we 
made over Treblinka was that we built our gas chambers to accommodate 
2,000 people at one time, whereas at Treblinka their ten gas chambers 
only accommodated 200 each....Children of tender years were invariably 
exterminated, since by reason of their youth they were unable to work.
 
        A conservative estimate of the number of people murdered in the 
gas chambers alone was 9,000,000.  How many more were murdered through 
starvation, being worked to death in the labor camps, disease, so called 
medical experiments, malnutrition, shot, beaten, or tortured is unknown.  
Speaking of Jewish people alone, there were approximately 10,000,000 in 
Nazi occupied Europe.  By the time the Allies arrived in victory, there 
were merely a few scattered remnants.  A German study found that 
35,000,000 noncombatants were killed in Eastern Europe alone.
        What Hitler preached about German superiority and building their 
Germanic civilization upon the corpses of inferior races was not new.  
Tetens recounts numerous prior German leaders revered by the German 
people who preached the same message.  Tetens goes back to 1893 and 
tracks them all the way up to Hitler.
        This same spirit prevails in Germany today.  Field Marshal von 
Manstein is a convicted war criminal guilty of mass murder.  He is also 
revered by the German people as one of the most honorable and prestigious 
Nazi soldiers to have survived World War II.
        Nazi policy was that the Germanic race should be masters of the 
entire world due to their supposed superiority.  Hitler's treatment of 
the Jewish race was only a prelude.  For example, his plans had included 
extermination of 300,000,000 Slavs.  Nazi policy was a declaration of war 
upon all other races, not just against Jewish people.  Their goal was a 
pure Germanic Lebenstraum as the foundation of a world empire.  They 
planned the deaths of hundreds of millions of Ukrainians, Poles, 
Russians, and Czechs, saving a very few whom they would sterilize and use 
as forced labor for the German lords.
        The Nazis had a chain of state-run breeding farms to achieve the 
perfect, pure German.  Young girls from Hitler Youth were encouraged to 
contribute to their fatherland by producing as many babies out of wedlock 
as possible.  Boys from Hitler Youth and SS soldiers were the stallions 
used to impregnate the young girls.  The resulting Lebensborn babies were 
required to be raised and schooled by the state.
        In 1944, a program of massive kidnappings of blond children was 
launched in conquered territories.  The blond children were distributed 
to peasants in the German countryside to be raised as German children.  
The purpose was to create more cannon fodder for their war machine.
        During the war, SS intelligence ran massive programs of bank note 
forgeries and passport forgeries.  They also had a vast chain of 
brothels, factories, night clubs, and business corporations to facilitate 
their corruption and espionage.  They also had a special department 
charged with responsibility for stripping all foreign countries of their 
raw materials, wealth, industry, art, valuables, and jewelry, the 
majority of which was stored in neutral countries for safekeeping.
        The Waffen SS shot hostages held in conquered countries.  They 
were credited with brutal massacres, such as the Warsaw ghetto and the 
mass murder of American soldiers during the Battle of the Bulge.  In 
France, for example, 645 women and children were burned to death after 
being trapped in a church.
        At the very top of the SS were the honor SS, consisting of the 
elite social crust of industry, diplomats, intellectuals, priests, 
pastors, university professors, artists, doctors, scientists, and 
writers.  The middle rungs of the SS included teachers, police, 
businessmen, students, and civil service bureaucrats.  Of course, the SS 
also drew into its ranks enthusiastic sadists and convicted criminals.  
        The SS was concluded to be a criminal organization during the 
Nuremberg trials.  In 1961, there were one million of these SS criminals 
holding public office, presiding as judges, burghermasters, 
administrators, police, and working as business managers, doctors, and 
dentists.  Every city and town in Germany has an active SS group that 
meets weekly and holds larger rallies in their region every few months.
        Even while contained in the POW camps, high officers of the SS 
and Wehrmacht were organizing a secret brotherhood.  They were well 
financed and had contacts in Italy, Germany, Spain, and Argentina.  They 
worked closely with another Nazi underground organization devoted to the 
legal defense and care of war criminals.
        The Allies had stipulated that their purpose was to crush all 
Nazism and German militarism to insure that Germany would never be 
capable of disturbing the peace of the world.  Yet, when NATO was 
planning a European army, Hitler's Waffen SS pushed to be in the new 
German army.  
        German remilitarization was first mentioned by Adenauer in 1946.  
By 1948, U.S. military officials were discussing it seriously as an aid 
to balance against Russian strength.  1948 and 1949 saw the sentences of 
hundreds of war criminals commuted by General Clay from the United 
States.  By 1950, with the onset of the Korean War and the Cold War 
tension rising, the ban on German militarization and Nazi veteran's 
groups disappeared for all intents and purposes.  The U.S. High 
Commissioner John McCloy was inundated by mail from German citizens 
demanding release of all Nazis.  His life was threatened.  Threats were 
made upon the lives of his family members.  Curiously, one German 
publication stated that McCloy had an "almost pathological love for 
Germany."  
        Germany has had a history of taking advantage of the Cold War, 
seesawing between the East and the West, extracting promises from the one 
while threatening to fall into the arms of the other.  Germany has played 
one rival against the other for many years.  The idea that Germany is 
some bulwark against communism is an illusion nourished by German 
propaganda.  If the price is right, Germany would strike an agreement 
with the East.
        Adenauer's talk of a United Europe is only a guise for a greater 
Germany, one that is militarily strong enough to be peers with both the 
East and the West through a dictatorially-ruled and German-dominated 
United Europe.
        After the United States released the Nazi war criminals, the 
Soviet Union followed suit in 1955.  Upwards of 20,000 are free.  Tens of 
thousands more are living under false identification.  Unknown thousands 
more have never even been touched by any sort of  investigation.
        By 1951, Hitler's officials had returned to key positions of 
power, were organizing vet groups, and selling ultranationalism again by 
branding democrats as "fellow travelers."  
        In the early 1950s, cities across Germany competed to present the 
most extravagant receptions for their returning war criminals.  They 
called them heroes.  In 1952, the German government voted to introduce 
Loyalty Week to unite the German people in welcoming home the last of the 
convicted war criminals, those guilty of the worst crimes with the 
longest sentences.  Some were even honored with a personal audience with 
the Chancellor.  The worst Nazi criminals were glorified as martyrs.
        Church representatives headed up a network of organizations for 
the common defense of convicted war criminals by whipping up public 
opinion to support release of the Nazis, as well as raising money for 
their legal defense and financial aid.  Industrial tycoons regularly 
contributed large amounts into the organization's "mysterious bank 
account."  Another of their common goals was to propagandize against the 
"war-guilt lie."  These groups referred to the Nuremberg trials as the 
"victor's justice of revenge" and declared all prisoners innocent.
        It was revealed in 1957 that a number of Nazi periodicals and 
newspapers were funded by the German press office and the defense 
ministry and had been since 1951.  They had also received financial 
support from U.S. agencies.
        The large urban areas of Germany have a majority of 
democratically minded people.  However, in the smaller towns, Nazism 
still holds sway, as evidenced by the large rallies attended by 10,000 to 
30,000 Nazi veterans.  Former officers wear all their medals while the 
Nazis sing, click their heels, march, and shout, "Sieg Heil."  This is a 
repeat of Hitler's strategy.  In the 1920s, Hitler was ridiculed in 
Munich, so he focused on conquering the small towns.  By 1933, the large 
cities finally succumbed.  Those in the small towns who were anti-Nazi 
had difficulty protesting when the mayor, the judge, the banker, the 
businessmen, the police chief, the teacher, and the pastor were all pro-Nazi.
        In 1955, some democratically minded people protested through 
proper channels a Nazi rally.  Adenauer and other government officials 
refused to do anything.  Labor leaders and protestors demonstrated 
against the rally.  The government sent in heavily armed police who beat 
and arrested hundreds of democratic demonstrators.  Tetens wrote that one 
newspaper printed that "the swastika is protected by the police and the 
resistors are put behind bars."  Since then, democratically minded people 
have rarely challenged another Nazi rally.
        The story of one former Nazi, Dr. Walter Becher, is told.  He had 
served Hitler's propaganda machine with anti-Semitic attacks during the 
war.  Later, he came to the United States and offered his so called 
expert services to the McCarthy movement in Washington where he obtained 
strong political support from both parties.  Becher pushed for Germans to 
have returned to them the territory lost in the war.  The German 
government supports this by keeping their hope alive.  Becher said he has 
the support of over 150 U.S. congressmen.  Some signed messages of 
sympathy and support from 57 various congressmen and 36 senators included 
Prescott Bush, Albert Gore, Strom Thurmond, Pat McNamara, Thomas J. Dodd, 
Stuart Symington, B. Carroll Reece, and Robert C. Byrd.  Letters and 
telegrams had also been sent from Herbert Hoover and Generals del Valle, 
Willoughby, and Wedemeyer.
        Becher's revisionist hopes are clearly being supported from 
Washington.
        A 1959 story of blatant and severe anti-Semitic attacks on the 
Sumpf family was recounted.  The Sumpf family lost all of their family 
business and life savings due to the attacks.  They were also assaulted 
and shot at.  All legal avenues of help and protection were refused to 
them, including that of the police, the pastor, the school principal, the 
mayor, and the state police.  After the story received some media 
attention, the German government attempted to whitewash and hush up the 
case.  Due to publicity, some arrests were finally made.  Most of the 
perpetrators were released.  A few were fined.  One was given four months 
jail time.  
          Tetens cautions that the Sumpf case must not be dismissed as an 
isolated incident.  Numerous accounts are related involving 
institutionalized racism by authorities, officials, and the public.  The 
official press department, operated under a former Nazi, has developed 
quite a sophisticated system designed to suppress any reporting on such 
incidents.
        Close to the same time in 1959, Adenauer had announced that 
anti-Semitism had "disappeared."  Later, in a response to a letter of 
protest from the American Jewish Committee, Adenauer blamed anti-Semitic 
acts on communist agents.
        Cases of blatant anti-Semitic racism were discovered among the 
highest officials in the foreign office.  The majority of the German 
public feel no regret about the crimes committed against Jewish people, 
including that of extermination.  Vandals guilty of desecration of 
synagogues, homes, businesses, and graveyards had the open sympathy of a 
large faction of the German people. All such incidents receiving 
publicity were blamed by Adenauer on communist agents in order to absolve 
the German people of any responsibility.  
        Attempts to compensate the victims of Nazi persecution have met 
with systematic hampering, delay, and outright sabotage.  These former 
inmates of concentration camps lost their health, family, homes, 
livelihood, property, and businesses.  As of 1961, these more than 
million survivors have not received one penny.  However, the Nazi war 
criminals have received amnesty, special laws abolishing the death 
sentence, special laws requiring every level of government to rehire 
former Nazis, organized financial help, grants, restitution for lost 
property, full government pensions, interest-free loans, and many other 
privileges.
        Tetens reports that there are good Germans who have been willing 
to sacrifice their life, their money, and their careers to stand up for 
democratic principles.  The sacrifice has been made by those prior to 
Hitler and is being made by those since Hitler.  Many cases are 
recounted, one a Protestant leader who resigned from the Adenauer cabinet 
protesting rearmament as well as the autocratic methods used by the 
Chancellor.  Another was a navy officer who attempted to get his 
superiors to respond to growing pro-Nazi attitudes among his peers.  
Instead of opening up an investigation, the navy officer was dismissed 
from his position for his efforts.
        Unfortunately, most Germans are nationalistic fanatics content to 
be ruled by an undisguised autocrat.  More unfortunate is the fact that 
the Chancellor has the backing of powerful industry, the financial elite, 
and the Catholic church, all the pieces needed to control the country and 
public opinion.  The power elite do not care whether they retain their 
privileges under a monarchy, dictatorship, or conservative republic, so 
long as they retain their privileges.  They are what they always were:  
Anti-Semitic, very patriotic, anti-socialist, authoritarian, and 
anti-democratic.
        Careful review is made of the court system.  The German 
government appointed Dr. Budde as presiding judge over the Court for the 
Protection of the Constitution.  Dr. Budde is a self-avowed anti-Semite 
and former Nazi who revered Hitler for purifying the race.  His open 
sympathy for the Gestapo and SS has been demonstrated in his acquittal of 
and extreme leniency toward their brutal crimes.  Dr. Budde's case can be 
considered run of the mill.  Perhaps 85% of German judges have a history 
of a past Nazi record.  Some of the most gruesome mass murderers were 
acquitted despite overwhelming evidence and even confessions.
        These Nazi judges had participated in what can only be described 
as legal terrorizing during the war, wherein innocent people were set up 
for the sentence of death because of some slight infraction of special 
terror laws.  For example, death sentences were given for trifles like 
singing forbidden songs, making a critical remark, or making a political 
joke.  Profiles of judge after judge after judge are recited.  
        The sad truth of the matter is that German law officials have had 
an unusually long sordid history of disregard for decency and justice.  
Going back to the time when Germany was under a monarch, the judges and 
prosecutors were identified with the ruling class.  They demonstrated 
arrogance and dismissal of the common people.  Even with the collapse of 
the monarchy in 1918, no law officials were dismissed.  They showed 
contempt for the Weimar Republic by using the law to harass supporters of 
democracy while protecting monarchists and Nazi murder gangs.
        Whole police organizations have been organized and dominated by 
former Nazis who reward and promote their former SS men.  Many specific 
cases are recounted.  Police commissioners, heads of criminal 
departments, police officers, heads of state police, police captains, and 
police chiefs, all shown to be former Nazi, Gestapo, and SS guilty of 
mass murder, executions, torture, and manslaughter.  This Nazi 
underground has been obstructing justice in all of Germany. 
        Former Nazis' participation in past war crimes renders them 
vulnerable to threat of blackmail by the Nazi press, which usually brings 
them into line.  Government officials, editors, prosecutors, and 
industrialists can all become tools of furthering the Nazi cause because 
of blackmail.  All of these former Nazis go to great lengths to cover up 
for one anothers' crimes, creating a secret brotherhood united by a giant 
crime.
        There is a kind of Nazi mafia operating at the highest level of 
government within Germany.  It is a "bureaucracy of murder."  Many German 
physicians were involved in mass gassings, unethical experimentation, and 
euthanasia, a German euphemism for the medical murder of innocents.  The 
case of a German professor named Dr. Catel is recounted, one case among 
many.  He was responsible for the euthanasia deaths of many young 
children while serving Hitler.  Ironically or maybe not so ironically, in 
1960 he was appointed to head up the Children's Clinic at the Kiel 
University.  
        Another case in point, that of Dr. Werner Heyde, mass murderer 
and torturer, is recounted.  His case was so involved, so complicated, 
reached into such high levels of government, and involved so many 
supposedly good Germans who protected him, that upon discovery, one 
deputy wondered "whether there was anyone left to investigate the 
investigators."
        A review of the textbooks selected by the former Nazis running 
the school system show that Hitler has been glorified for his military 
successes, that the German people have been absolved of any 
responsibility for the Nazi regime, that the Jews who perished in the 
camps died merely of disease, hunger and maltreatment, and that the 
public was innocent because they didn't know about the atrocities at the 
time.  The evil Nazi past is suppressed information.
        Those teachers or publishers who attempt to explain the truth are 
threatened and intimidated into silence.
        There is a special department within the government that develops 
a historically accurate picture of the past in brochures and textbooks.  
These are available to the schools, but are never chosen to be used by 
the schools.  Foreign visitors are shown their efforts, but are never 
told that the overwhelming majority of students and teachers reject their 
use.
        In 1959, a German TV reporter interviewed many students from a 
dozen elementary and secondary  schools throughout Germany.  His 
questions were designed to find out what the students knew about Hitler, 
concentration camps, and how many victims died.  Nine out of ten knew 
virtually nothing about Hitler or knew him as the man who had revived 
Germany by building the superhighways or arresting the criminals.  Those 
who knew something about the concentration camps said they had learned 
the information at home, not in school.  They estimated that a few 
thousand had died there.
        There were 850 anti-Semitic outrages reported officially in the 
first six weeks of 1960 alone.  When the anti-Semitism begins to reflect 
poorly upon Germany, Adenauer simply arranges another campaign with his 
New York public relations firm in order to present a more favorable image 
to the American people.  Industrial tycoons from Germany have planned a 
German propaganda center to be located in New York.  Their goal includes 
developing relationships with the media, academic circles, and leading 
businessmen in order to improve America's image of Germany.
        James Reston, the Washington bureau chief of the New York Times, 
noted that since World War II, Washington has increasingly fed stories to 
the public, not about what is true, but about what Washington wants the 
public to believe is true.  There are leading conservatives issuing 
warnings that America is relying "on a policy that is misled by a 
facade." 



----- End of forwarded message from Shellie West -----

-- 
a--@c--.monash.edu.au        "Sometimes I'm dreaming,
http://www.zikzak.net/~acb      while the other people dance..."